Monday, June 30, 2014

Justice Ginsburg Dissent: Burwell v. Hobby Lobby

The Supreme Court (U.S.) has ruled on the Hobby Lobby vs. contraception case, in favor of Hobby Lobby, relying heavily on the (previously, partially struck-down in Boerne vs. Flores, 1997) Religious Freedom Restoration Act (1993). Below are excerpts from Justice Ginsburg's dissent.


Hobby Lobby Ginsburg Dissent

(p. 14) Until this litigation, no decision of this Court recognized a for-profit corporation’s qualification for a religious ex¬emption from a generally applicable law, whether under the Free Exercise Clause or RFRA.13 The absence of such precedent is just what one would expect, for the exercise of religion is characteristic of natural persons, not artificial legal entities. As Chief Justice Marshall observed nearly two centuries ago, a corporation is “an artificial being, invisible, intangible, and existing only in contemplation of law.” Trustees of Dartmouth College v. Woodward, 4 Wheat. 518, 636 (1819). Corporations, Justice Stevens more recently reminded, “have no consciences, no beliefs, no feelings, no thoughts, no desires.” Citizens United v. Federal Election Comm’n, 558 U. S. 310, 466 (2010) (opin¬ion concurring in part and dissenting in part). …

(p. 16) Indeed, until today, religious exemptions had never been extended to any entity operat¬ing in “the commercial, profit-making world.” Amos, 483 U. S., at 337.16

(16-17) The reason why is hardly obscure. Religious organiza¬tions exist to foster the interests of persons subscribing to the same religious faith. Not so of for-profit corporations. Workers who sustain the operations of those corporations commonly are not drawn from one religious community. Indeed, by law, no religion-based criterion can restrict the work force of for-profit corporations. See 42 U. S. C. §§2000e(b), 2000e–1(a), 2000e–2(a); cf. Trans World Airlines, Inc. v. Hardison, 432 U. S. 63, 80–81 (1977) (Title VII requires reasonable accommodation of an employee’s religious exercise, but such accommodation must not come “at the expense of other[ employees]”). The distinction between a community made up of believers in the same religion and one embracing persons of diverse beliefs, clear as it is, constantly escapes the Court’s attention.17 One can only wonder why the Court shuts this key difference from sight.

(18-19) Moreover, history is not on the Court’s side. Recognition of the discrete characters of “ecclesiasti¬cal and lay” corporations dates back to Blackstone, see 1 W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England 458(1765), and was reiterated by this Court centuries before the enactment of the Internal Revenue Code. See Terrett v. Taylor, 9 Cranch 43, 49 (1815) (describing religious corporations); Trustees of Dartmouth College, 4 Wheat., at 645 (discussing “eleemosynary” corporations, including those “created for the promotion of religion”). To reiterate, “for-profit corporations are different from religious non-profits in that they use labor to make a profit, rather than to perpetuate [the] religious value[s] [shared by a commu¬nity of believers].”

(19) By incorporating a business, however, an individual separates herself from the entity and escapes personal responsibility for the entity’s obliga¬tions. One might ask why the separation should hold only when it serves the interest of those who control the corpo¬ration.

(19-20) The Court’s determination that RFRA extends to for¬profit corporations is bound to have untoward effects. Although the Court attempts to cabin its language to closely held corporations, its logic extends to corporations of any size, public or private.19 Little doubt that RFRA claims will proliferate, for the Court’s expansive notion of corporate personhood—combined with its other errors in construing RFRA—invites for-profit entities to seek religion-based exemptions from regulations they deem offensive to their faith.

(23) Importantly, the decisions whether to claim benefits under the plans are made not by Hobby Lobby or Cones- toga, but by the covered employees and dependents, in consultation with their health care providers. Should an employee of Hobby Lobby or Conestoga share the religious beliefs of the Greens and Hahns, she is of course under no compulsion to use the contraceptives in question. But “[n]o individual decision by an employee and her physi¬cian—be it to use contraception, treat an infection, or have a hip replaced—is in any meaningful sense [her employ¬er’s] decision or action.” Grote v. Sebelius, 708 F. 3d 850, 865 (CA7 2013) (Rovner, J., dissenting). It is doubtful that Congress, when it specified that burdens must be “sub¬stantia[l],” had in mind a linkage thus interrupted by independent decision makers (the woman and her health counselor) standing between the challenged government action and the religious exercise claimed to be infringed. Any decision to use contraceptives made by a woman covered under Hobby Lobby’s or Conestoga’s plan will not be propelled by the Government, it will be the wo- man’s autonomous choice, informed by the physician she consults.

(27) The Court ultimately acknowledges a critical point: RFRA’s application “must take adequate account of the burdens a requested accommodation may impose on non¬ beneficiaries.” Ante, at 42, n. 37 (quoting Cutter v. Wilkinson, 544 U. S. 709, 720 (2005); emphasis added). No tradition, and no prior decision under RFRA, allows a religion-based exemption when the accommodation would be harmful to others—here, the very persons the contra¬ceptive coverage requirement was designed to protect. Cf. supra, at 7–8; Prince v. Massachusetts, 321 U. S. 158, 177 (1944) (Jackson, J., dissenting) (“[The] limitations which of necessity bound religious freedom . . . begin to operate whenever activities begin to affect or collide with liberties of others or of the public.”).

(31-32) But the Lee Court made two key points one cannot confine to tax cases. “When followers of a particular sect enter into commercial activity as a matter of choice,” the Court observed, “the limits they accept on their own con¬duct as a matter of conscience and faith are not to be superimposed on statutory schemes which are binding on others in that activity.” Id., at 261. The statutory scheme of employer-based comprehensive health coverage in¬volved in these cases is surely binding on others engaged in the same trade or business as the corporate challengers here, Hobby Lobby and Conestoga. Further, the Court recognized in Lee that allowing a religion-based exemption to a commercial employer would “operat[e] to impose the employer’s religious faith on the employees.” Ibid.29 No doubt the Greens and Hahns and all who share their beliefs may decline to acquire for themselves the contra¬ceptives in question. But that choice may not be imposed on employees who hold other beliefs. Working for Hobby Lobby or Conestoga, in other words, should not deprive employees of the preventive care available to workers at the shop next door,30 at least in the absence of directions from the Legislature or Administration to do so.

(33-34) [H]ow does the Court divine which religious beliefs are worthy of accommodation, and which are not? Isn’t the Court disarmed from making such a judgment given its recognition that “courts must not presume to determine . . . the plausibility of a religious claim”? Ante, at 37. Would the exemption the Court holds RFRA demands for employers with religiously grounded objections to the use of certain contraceptives extend to employers with religiously grounded objections to blood transfusions (Jehovah’s Witnesses); antidepressants (Scientologists); medications derived from pigs, including anesthesia, intravenous fluids, and pills coated with gelatin (certain Muslims, Jews, and Hindus); and vaccinations (Christian Scientists, among others)?31 According to counsel for Hobby Lobby, “each one of these cases . . . would have to be evaluated on its own . . . apply[ing] the compelling interest-least restrictive alternative test.” Tr. of Oral Arg. 6. Not much help there for the lower courts bound by today’s decision.

(34-35) There is an overriding interest, I believe, in keeping the courts “out of the business of evaluating the relative mer¬its of differing religious claims,” Lee, 455 U. S., at 263, n. 2 (Stevens, J., concurring in judgment), or the sincerity with which an asserted religious belief is held. Indeed, approv¬ing some religious claims while deeming others unworthy of accommodation could be “perceived as favoring one religion over another,” the very “risk the Establishment Clause was designed to preclude.” Ibid. The Court, I fear, has ventured into a minefield, cf. Spencer v. World Vision, Inc., 633 F. 3d 723, 730 (CA9 2010) (O’Scannla in, J., con¬curring), by its immoderate reading of RFRA. I would confine religious exemptions under that Act to organiza¬tions formed “for a religious purpose,” “engage[d] primarily in carrying out that religious purpose,” and not “engaged. . . substantially in the exchange of goods or services for money beyond nominal amounts.” See id., at 748 (Klein¬feld, J., concurring).

Wednesday, June 25, 2014

2014 Mississippi Election and Potential Race Effects

Nate Silver's site has declared that Republican candidate Thad Cochran likely was historically successful in getting out the Black vote for his primary win over Tea Party candidate Chris McDaniel. Given this data, I wondered if, perhaps, there might be a "get out the Black vote" effect that would carry over to the fall general election between Cochran and the Democratic candidate, Travis Childers. I'm no Nate Silvers, but I did some calculating based on prior election results.

I first got a baseline of participation by looking at the 2008, 2012 and 2014 primary election results (see Table 1) to assess general Mississippi excitement about voting. Voting data comes from the FEC.

Table 1: Primary ResultsRepublican TotalDemocrat Total
2008 Primary TurnoutCochran unopposed358,751
2012 Primary Turnout285,89986,588
2014 Primary Turnout313,48684,339

The 2008 primary seems to provide little guidance--Cochran ran unopposed, so there is no Republican primary data, and Fleming, the Democratic winner, was a popular state representative, ginning up huge turnout relative to the subsequent years. For the 2012 and 2014 senate primaries, Democrat participation went down, while Republican participation went up.

Next, I looked at the general senate election results for 2008 and 2012 (see Table 2). There were four parties on the ballot--Republican, Democrat, Constitution and Reform. The latter two would likely have gone to the Republicans, so I include them in the Republican total.

Table 2: General ResultsRepublican/Conservative TotalDemocrat
2008 Turnout766,111480,915
2012 Turnout738,101503,467

Finally, I looked at demographic changes in the population since 2008, using Census data, and some extrapolation. In Table 3, I provide the population estimates for 2008 (using the ACS 3-year sample from 2007-2009), 2012 (using Census estimates) and 2014 (my extrapolation, presuming population changes at the same rate as from 2008-2012). I add Black and Hispanic, since their voting patterns are frequently similar. The data represents only voting-age population, those 18 years and over. From 2008-2012, there has been an estimated 0.5% growth in the White population over 18, 4.4% growth in the Black population, and 43% growth in the Hispanic population (from 41,427 to 59,233).

Table 3: Mississippi DemographicsWhite (non-Hispanic)Black + Hispanic
2008 1,356,052798,760
20121,363,248849,954
20141,366,846875,5551

In the 2012 election, the Black vote went to Obama at 96%, while the White vote went to Romney at 89%. For simplicity of calculation, I presume that all of the "population growth" Black and Hispanic vote will go to Democrats, and all of the White "population growth" vote will go to Republicans. From Cochran's win in 2008 to 2014, there have been an estimated 76,791 added Black and Hispanic potential voters (measured at 18+ years, no other factors considered, such as incarceration, etc), compared to 10,794 White voters--a 65,997 voting advantage for the race minorities. If Cochran's "get out the Black vote" campaign for his primary win carries over minority vote excitement to the general election in November, where ALL of the population-added race minorities votes go to the Democrats, and ALL of the population-added White votes go to the Democrats, the results might look something like Table 4, neither of which produces a win for Democrats. This calculation presumes that ALL population-added potential voters will vote, and does not take into consideration that in the last mid-term election (2010), only 37% of the voter-eligible population in Mississippi voted.

Table 4: Possible 2014 ResultsRepublicanDemocrat
New population votes added to 2008 senate results776,905557,706
New population votes added to 2012 senate results713,224529,064

The 2012 senate race saw a decreased Republican vote compared to 2008 (-7.4%), but an increased Democratic vote (+4.7). Despite this, and a dramatically increased race minority population compared to White population increase (6.4% to 0.5%), the senate Republican candidate still won the election with a 17% margin, and that with 2 other conservative party candidates on the ballot, and 96% of the Black vote going to Obama. Even if Cochran's "get out the Black vote" campaign carries excitement over to November, there seems to be little likelihood that the added potential Democrat votes will impact the outcome of a race that is not typically close at all.


Addendum, 6/26/2014

Due to the apparent success of Cochran's "get out the race minority vote" that presumptively targeted Democrats to beat McDaniel, many from the tea party/conservative radio are claiming it represents political "cheating." As a response, some are calling for Republicans to vote for the Democrat in the November general election, to punish Cochran for this "cheating." If such a movement took hold, I wanted to see if that would change the calculation above.

For this estimation, I used the vote for the 2008 senate, where there were 2 alternate conservative parties on the ballot (Constitution and Reform). In my previous analysis, I counted these with Republican votes. For this analysis, I will not only subtract those votes from the Republicans and add them to the Democrats, but to account for population growth, and perhaps some greater level of excitement from this contingent, I've doubled the number, from the original 28,475, to almost 60,000 extra votes for Democrats and subtracted from Republicans. Further, while I will leave all of the Black and Hispanic population growth votes on the Democrat side, I will account for the fact that 11% of Whites voted for Obama in the last election, subtracting those votes from Republicans, and adding them to the Democrats. But despite both of these changes, there is still very little ultimate change in the outcome (see Table 5)--Cochran wins with 53% of the vote (compared to the 2012 election results), even in this extreme, and very unlikely, scenario in the Democrats' favor.

Table 5: Possible 2014 Results, Part 2RepublicanDemocrat
New votes added to 2008 senate results718,768615,735
New votes added to 2012 senate results655,914586,374

Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals on the "Procreation" Argument Against Same-Sex Marriage

One of the primary legal arguments from those who oppose same-sex marriage is that "procreation" is fundamental to marriage, and since same-sex couples are biologically unable to "naturally" produce offspring from the resultant sexual activity between those two married partners, therefore same-sex "marriage" is not "marriage" at all, and the state has no interest in legally recognizing it. In fact, the Indiana Attorney General, Greg Zoeller, was the lead author in an amicus brief representing several U.S. states, with procreation being a primary legal rationale opposing same-sex marriage in a 10th Circuit Court of Appeals case about the Utah ban on same-sex marriage. However, the court ruled against Zoeller's argument, stating that procreation is not a legal fundamental of marriage (coincidentally, the same day that an Indiana Federal judge ruled unconstitutional, Indiana's ban on same-sex marriage). Below are the fully quoted, relevant portions of the court's opinion in the Kitchen vs. Herbert case that discuss procreation and state's interest in recognizing marriage.

Appellants’ assertion that the right to marry is fundamental because it is linked to procreation is further undermined by the fact that individuals have a fundamental right to choose against reproduction. “If the right of privacy means anything, it is the right of the individual, married or single, to be free from unwarranted governmental intrusion into matters so fundamentally affecting a person as the decision whether to bear or beget a child.” Eisenstadt v. Baird, 405 U.S. 438, 453 (1972) (emphasis omitted); see also Griswold, 381 U.S. at 485-86 (recognizing right of married individuals to use contraception). (p. 33)

The challenged restrictions on the right to marry and on recognition of otherwise valid marriages, however, do not differentiate between procreative and non-procreative couples. Instead, Utah citizens may choose a spouse of the opposite sex regardless of the pairing’s procreative capacity. The elderly, those medically unable to conceive, and those who exercise their fundamental right not to have biological children are free to marry and have their out-of-state marriages recognized in Utah, apparently without breaking the “conceptual link between marriage and procreation.” The only explicit reference to reproduction in Utah’s marriage law is a provision that allows first cousins to marry if “both parties are 65 years of age or older; or . . . if both parties are 55 years of age or older, upon a finding by the district court . . . that either party is unable to reproduce.” Utah Code § 30-1-1(2). This statute thus extends marriage rights to certain couples based on a showing of inability to reproduce. (p. 44)

Several recent district court decisions have rejected nearly identical state attempts to justify same-sex marriage bans based on procreative concerns. See Geiger, 2014 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 68171, at *43 (“Procreative potential is not a marriage prerequisite.”); Latta, 2014 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 66417, at *68 (“Idaho does not condition marriage licenses or marital benefits on heterosexual couples’ ability or desire to have children. No heterosexual couple would be denied the right to marry for failure to demonstrate the intent to procreate.”); DeBoer, 2014 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 37274, at *37 (“The prerequisites for obtaining a marriage license under Michigan law do not include the ability to have children . . . .”); De Leon, 2014 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 26236, at *44 (“This procreation rationale threatens the legitimacy of marriages involving post-menopausal women, infertile individuals, and individuals who choose to refrain from procreating.”); Bostic, 970 F. Supp. 2d. at 478-79 (“The ‘for-the-children’ rationale also fails because it would threaten the legitimacy of marriages involving post-menopausal women, infertile individuals, and individuals who choose to refrain from procreating.”). (p. 46)

Dist. LEXIS 68171, at *43 (“[A]ny governmental interest in responsible procreation is not advanced by denying marriage to gay a[nd] lesbian couples. There is no logical nexus between the interest and the exclusion.”); DeBoer, 2014 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 37274, at *40 (“Nor does prohibiting same-sex marriage increase the number of heterosexual marriages or the number of children raised by heterosexual parents.”); De Leon, 2014 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 26236, at *42-43 (“Defendants have failed to establish how recognizing a same-sex marriage can influence, if at all, whether heterosexual couples will marry, or how other individuals will raise their families.”); Bostic, 970 F. Supp. 2d at 478 (“[R]ecognizing a gay individual’s fundamental right to marry can in no way influence whether other individuals will marry, or how other individuals will raise families.”); Bishop, 962 F. Supp. 2d at 1291 (“Marriage is incentivized for naturally procreative couples to precisely the same extent regardless of whether same-sex couples (or other non-procreative couples) are included.”). Dist. LEXIS 68171, at *43 (“[A]ny governmental interest in responsible procreation is not advanced by denying marriage to gay a[nd] lesbian couples. There is no logical nexus between the interest and the exclusion.”); DeBoer, 2014 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 37274, at *40 (“Nor does prohibiting same-sex marriage increase the number of heterosexual marriages or the number of children raised by heterosexual parents.”); De Leon, 2014 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 26236, at *42-43 (“Defendants have failed to establish how recognizing a same-sex marriage can influence, if at all, whether heterosexual couples will marry, or how other individuals will raise their families.”); Bostic, 970 F. Supp. 2d at 478 (“[R]ecognizing a gay individual’s fundamental right to marry can in no way influence whether other individuals will marry, or how other individuals will raise families.”); Bishop, 962 F. Supp. 2d at 1291 (“Marriage is incentivized for naturally procreative couples to precisely the same extent regardless of whether same-sex couples (or other non-procreative couples) are included.”). (p. 51-52)

(Kelly Concurrence) Much of this court’s opinion is dedicated to finding otherwise by separating 9marriage from procreation and expounding on how other substantive due process and privacy concepts, including personal autonomy, dignity, family relationships, reproductive rights, and the like, are the antecedents and complements of same-gender marriage. But we should be reluctant to announce a fundamental right by implication. Not only is that beyond our power, it is completely arbitrary and impractical; as in this case, a state should be allowed to adopt change if desired and implement it. As these proceedings demonstrate, the State has a much better handle on what statutory and administrative provisions are involved, and what is necessary to implement change, than we do. (p. 9-10)